55-5-250
Mr Satarov says this may be more than just populism. 'They feel that the system has become unmanageable. They also need to protect and legalise the wealth they have accumulated in the previous five yearshence all this talk about building a legal system.'
As a former lawyer, Mr Medvedev has started with legislation. A new draft law requires bureaucrats to declare their own and their family's income and assets. But there are a couple of loopholes. First, the information about their income is confidential and available only to other bureaucrats. Second, the family is defined as spouse and under-age childrenbut not siblings, parents or grown-up children. 'It is as if the government is telling everyone which accounts they should transfer the money into,' says Elena Panfilova, head of Transparency International Russia.
The trouble is that corruption in Russia has become a system of management rather than an ailment that can be treated, explains Ms Latynina. Central to this system is the notion of kompromat, or compromising material. 'It is easier to control someone if you have kompromat on them, so that is how a boss often chooses his subordinates,' she says.
The only way to fight corruption, explains Ms Panfilova, is through political competition, independent courts, free media and a strong civil society. Those things may not get rid of it, but at least they would establish uncorrupt norms. Yet fighting corruption from within the Kremlin would require the skills of a Baron Munchhausen, who famously escaped from a swamp by pulling himself up by his own hair. As Mr Khodorkovsky said in a recent interview: 'The fight against corruption is a fight for democracy.' The interview cost Mr Khodorkovsky 12 days in solitary confinement. But the cost to Russia of allowing corruption to flourish is a lot higher.
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