한국외교의 7대과제와 원칙(일명 'MB독트린') 천명


이명박 前시장은 2월 6일 외신기자클럽 간담회에서 “북한의 완전한 핵 폐기와 자발적 개방을 위해 김정일 위원장이 결단해야 한다”고 촉구했습니다.


대북정책, 북한 주민의 인간 존엄성 수호에 맞춰줘야

MB독트린 성격의 “한국외교의 7대 과제와 원칙”을 천명하는 기조 발표문을 통해 이명박 전시장은 “원칙은 없고 일방적이기만 한 대북 유화정책에서 벗어나 북한의 실질적인 변화를 유도하는 전략적인 ‘대북개방정책이 절실하다”면서 “핵이 아닌 개방을 통한 경제발전만이 북한의 미래를 약속한다”고 강조했습니다.

대북정책, 북한주민의 인간 존엄성을 지키는데 맞춰야

특히 이 前시장은 김위원장이 핵포기와 개방의 大결단을 내리면, “미국, 일본, 중국, 러시아를 포함한 국제사회와 적극 협력, 10년 안에 북한의 일인당 국민소득을 3천불 수준으로 만들 수 있다”고 주장했습니다. 그러면서 이前시장은 1인당 국민 소득 100불도 안 되는 나라가 개방과 국제협력을 통해 짧은 기간 동안 눈부신 경제성장을 이룩할 수 있었던 한국과 중국의 예를 들었습니다.

한국의 경제발전사가 그랬던 것처럼 국제협력 노선의 채택과 시장경제로의 변화가 북한문제해결의 유일한 해법임을 강조한 것으로 풀이됩니다.
아울러 이 前시장은 “대북정책은 북한 주민들의 의식주 문제를 해결하고, 나아가 그들이 인간적 존엄성을 지키며 살 수 있게 하는데 맞춰져야 한다”는 점도 강조했습니다.

이념 아닌 국익 바탕 실리 외교, 정략 아닌 국민적 합의에 기초한 외교돼야

외교정책의 기본 원칙과 관련, 이 前시장은 지난 10년간 한국외교는 심각한 문제를 노정했고, 대북정책도 결과적으로 성공하지 못했다고 평가하면서, “한국외교는 이념이 아닌 국익을 바탕으로 하는 실리외교, 정략적 고려가 아닌 국민적 합의에 기초한 외교”가 되어야 한다고 강조했습니다.
특히 이 前시장은 “최소한의 신뢰조차 갖춰지지 않은 상태에서 남북정상이 만나 평화를 다짐하는 것은 각자가 정치적 목적을 가지고 평화를 말로만 선언하는 것에 불과할 것”이라며, 신뢰기반이 없는 정략적인 정상회담에 대해 부정적 입장을 표명했습니다.


한미관계, 전통적 우호관계 바탕으로 공동의 가치와 상호이익 추구해야

이 前시장은 “한미관계가 심각한 위기에 봉착한 이유는 청사진도 없이 기둥부터 바꾸려는 시도를 했기 때문”이라고 진단하고, “전통적 우호관계를 바탕으로 공동의 가치와 상호 이익을 강화, 발전시켜 나가야 한다”고 말했습니다. 이와 관련 이 前시장은 “양국은 자유민주주의의 가치를 바탕으로 한반도와 아시아의 평화와 번영에 기여할 수 있는 새로운 전략적 마스터플랜을 짜야 한다”고 공동의 가치와 상호이익이 지향할 바를 강조했습니다.
이 前시장은 이 같은 세 가지 원칙과 더불어 △세계와의 동반 발전을 발판으로 한국의 ‘아시아 외교’ 확대 △국제사회를 위해 기여하는 외교 강화 △경제 최선진국 진입을 위한 에너지 외교 극대화 △상호 개방과 교류를 바탕으로 ‘문화 코리아’ 지향 등을 한국외교가 견지해야 할 7대 원칙과 과제로 제시했습니다.

[아래는 외신기자클럽 초청 간담회의 기조 발표문 전문입니다.]



A New Horizon and the Creative Reconstruction of

Korean Foreign Policy



Prepared Remarks by Lee Myung Bak, Former Mayor of Seoul

Seoul Foreign Correspondents Club, February 6, 2007





Good Morning,

Ladies and Gentlemen.



May I begin by expressing my sincere gratitude to all of you for being Korea's window to the world, and for arranging such a unique venue despite your very busy schedules.



The collective international expertise present here today is truly remarkable with matching individual insights. I would like to share my thoughts with you today regarding some of the crucial international challenges facing Korea.



Let me assert at the onset that Korea's foreign and national security policy stands at a critical juncture. The report card is in, and it is far from positive.



The North Korean nuclear problem remains unresolved while our capstone alliance with the United States remains shaky. Robust, cooperative ties with our neighbors are faltering. Why is this so? Because Korean foreign policy has neither clear vision nor clear foresight.



Together, we must build a global network that propels democracies and free markets while ensuring that no one is left behind. But this process can only begin with the “Creative Reconstruction” of Korean foreign policy—a renewal that is possible with a Seven Point Plan.



First, a strategic policy that fosters a genuine opening of North Korea. We must move from an unprincipled and unilateral policy of appeasement to a pro-active policy that results in enduring change. The essential condition is crystal clear—everything hinges on North Korea’s complete nuclear dismantlement. A freeze is not enough.



If and only when this occurs, we stand ready to assist North Korea in its road to self-initiated liberalization. Chairman Kim Jong-il is urged to understand that real and sustained economic growth can only come on the heels of liberalization and when it gives up its nuclear weapons.



As the situation worsens for North Koreans, the international community can not stand idle. Infusions of food and fertilizers may alleviate hunger but it is not a fundamental solution.



Therefore, our North Korea policy must be based on two key foundations—helping to resolve the perennial problem of hunger, and support for basic human rights and dignity. If Chairman Kim Jong-il makes a decisive choice of dismantling nuclear weapons and liberalizing its economy, the international community will respond with an equally decisive choice.



With the help from South Korea, the United States, Japan, China, and Russia—not to mention the broader international community—North Korea can upgrade its per capita income to US$3,000 over the next ten years. When Korea’s per capita income was less than US$100, Korea was able to achieve unprecedented growth based on economic liberalization and support from the international community. As we speak, China is rewriting its economic history based on the same two principles.



So let me reaffirm my basic message: the choice is entirely North Korea’s. If they choose the right path, the road to economic revival is assured and by extension, as a stepping stone towards peaceful unification.



Second, a foreign policy that is based on a new national consensus, a bi-partisan spirit, and one that best reflects our core national interests. I believe that over the past decade, Korean foreign policy has shown serious shortcomings in all three areas. In this context, I can not see the urgency of a second South-North summit. In the absence of even minimal confidence, what good would it serve if the two leaders continue to ignore the past but still applaud a hollow peace? We have witnessed such peace before—political motivations wrapped in empty promises.



In essence, this government’s “engagement policy” has failed. Even when our national security was under threat, they continued with unilateral engagement. Incredibly, when North Korea tested ballistic missiles and exploded a nuclear device, the world was in shock. But this government responded as if nothing had changed, it was business as usual. This was a colossal failure of our national security policy and our citizens are under threat.



Third, revamping and strengthening the Korean-American alliance based on shared values and mutually reinforcing interests. The alliance remains in crisis not by accident, but by the deliberate policies and choices made by this government.



We should never forget that since the end of the Korean War, the Korean-American alliance has served as a key pillar for Korea’s security and prosperity. The time has come not only for revitalizing the alliance but forging a new strategic architecture for the 21st century. An alliance joined by common values that fosters a new era of peace and stability not only on the peninsula, but throughout Asia.



Fourth, expanding Korea’s “Asian Diplomacy” commensurate with Asia’s rise. Existing ties and relationships with Japan, China, Russia, and India—the region’s strategically consequential states—must be expanded and strengthened. We must also work closely with our other key partners such as ASEAN, Australia and New Zealand. And as Central Asia emerges as the new frontier, we must cultivate long-term relationships.

Everyone knows that economic cooperation is vital. But this is not enough. We need bold, courageous steps to further open our economies. We need to propel forward-looking trade. The emerging “Asian Century” is only possible when we upgrade our ties with Asia, when Asian countries upgrade their ties with fellow Asian countries, and when Asia upgrades its ties with the rest of the world.



Fifth, a foreign policy that reaches out to the international community before it reaches out to Korea. As the world’s 12th largest economy, Korea must assume its rightful responsibilities. Korea can play a key role in helping to alleviate key global problems including the environment, human rights, extreme poverty, epidemics and related “human security” threats. Korea’s ODA contributions and material aid must be expanded significantly.



Sixth, a comprehensive “energy policy” is critical in Korea’s road to becoming a fully developed economy. In order to secure long-term energy supplies, we need an “Energy Silk Road”—an international energy cooperative belt.



Seventh, “Cultural Korea” must be an indelible component of Korea’s foreign policy. We have witnessed the possibilities of cultural globalization by the overwhelming success of the so-called “Korean Wave.” But there is a cultural divide and it should be properly addressed. The Korean Wave can serve, through its IT competitiveness, as a cultural conduit between East and West and between South and North. We can move closer to peace through mutual understanding of culture.



Ladies and Gentlemen.



I have already proposed the “The Pan-Korea Waterway Project” and the “International Science Business City” concept. Both are crucial for our Korea’s future growth and competitiveness. Both promise twin futures. A river highway can propel the exchange of people, goods, and culture. A new knowledge synergy is based on science and technology.



Korea’s foreign policy mission for the 21st century is clear—to facilitate Korea’s expanding linkages with the global village while embracing the world on its doorsteps. Together we can create a zone of common prosperity. If Korea walked the pathway set forth by the world, the time has come for Korea to excavate new avenues and to share them with the family of nations.



Let us jointly welcome a new era of unbridled openness. Let us set loose our unlimited potential. Let us dream about a world where the ghosts of history, conflict, and despair can finally disappear.



Thank you very much.