by Kim Pyung-woo (Attorney and former head of Korea Bar Association)
I woke up the following morning to see news reports saying that the National Assembly passed the impeachment bill with 234 lawmakers supporting it and 56 against it. The news media and civic groups quickly issued statements lauding the results of the National Assembly's vote as a 'victory for the candle-light protesters' and a 'victory for democracy.' The Korea Bar Association also issued a statement praising the vote results.
Almost every media outlet supported and praised the vote results. News agencies featured interviews of academics who claimed that simple administrative blunders and even public discontent, rather than serious violations of the Constitution or the law, were enough to impeach the president and even recommended that the Constitutional Court ought to reach a ruling on what they claimed was a simple, textbook example of an impeachment bill before January of next year, when the tenure of its chief justice comes to an end. Some opposition party lawmakers are going even further and demanding that the president step down voluntarily, considering the size of her blunder and the level of public discontent over her performance.
At this rate, the news media, opposition lawmakers and candle-light protesters will only intensify their demand for Park to resign voluntarily. A majority of the public, which has grown weary of the incessant calls by the news media and protesters demanding Park's resignation, probably wishes she does exactly that so that the country may regain calm and peace. Cheong WaDae will probably be inundated with tearful petitions filed by ordinary citizens asking Park to step down voluntarily. And the news media will probably carry reports claiming that the president's obstinacy and greed are worsening the crisis facing the nation. We will probably see the dailies and other media outlets pumping out news reports explaining why Park must step down immediately, regardless of the impeachment trial.
The so-called rule of law, which stipulates that politics must be carried out rationally and within the boundaries of the Constitution and the law, has been tossed out of the window, while a populist form of politics driven by emotions and mood has overtaken our country. This is not the first time that public sentiment has overpowered the rule of law. We saw this during the nationwide protests after two school girls were accidentally run over by a U.S. military vehicle in 2002, during the mad cow scare of 2008 and Sewol ferry sinking in 2014.
Opposition party lawmakers and some members of the public are glorifying the candle-light protests as an 'honorable popular revolution.' But the latest protests are anything but a revolution. And they are definitely not honorable. A revolution refers to an event where a majority of the citizens of a country grow sick and tired of continued oppression or corruption and risk their lives to rise up against a despotic regime to emerge victorious and establish a new political and economic system. As a result, a revolution must be preceded by a lengthy despotic rule. In other words, hereditary monarchies or dictatorships are usually the targets of revolutions. Examples of this are the French and Russian revolutions, while the April 19 Revolution of Korea and the widespread political protests seen in the Middle East in 2011 are modern cases.
But our country introduced a single, five-year presidential term in 1987 and a peaceful transfer of power through elections have been guaranteed ever since. Roh Tae-woo, Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye have all been guaranteed single, five-year presidential terms leaving no room for a prolonged and despotic regime. Not only that, we have seen cases of corruption until now involving every past president since Kim Young-sam. But those cases paled in comparison to the scale of corruption that existed during past dictatorships that ran into the hundreds of billions and even trillions of won in scale. And until the Choi Soon-sil scandal erupted, the Park Geun-hye administration did not suffer from any cases of corruption.
So how can we possibly refer to the latest attempt to oust a lame-duck president in the final year of her single-term presidency as a revolution? What can we possibly achieve other than pushing forward by a few months the next presidential elections, which are scheduled by law to be held in November of 2017? Will this topple a long-reigning despot and usher in a new age of democracy? Will such efforts open the gates to a clean political landscape devoid of corruption? Will we suddenly see an able government replacing an inept administration? It is laughable to think that pushing forward a president's tenure by a year through protests without any fundamental structural changes can be called a popular revolution.
Many Koreans seem to feel that Park should step down, since she is not adept at communicating with the public, is inept and foolish and that she is not fit for the presidency. But I ask this simple question. Who is President Park? She has never married and has been known to have few friends, while opting to maintain a certain distance from even her own siblings. Didn't voters choose her as their next leader back in 2012 after viewing such traits as being rather refreshing and reminiscent of her late father and former president Park Chung-hee? And after the corruption scandal involving Park's confidante emerged during her final year in office, the hyper-sensitive news media and prosecutors suddenly turned their backs on her, only to side with the opposition camp which swept the general elections last April, choosing to ostracize the president by labeling her as a loner and an inept leader who lacks communication skills. And the public, mesmerized by the one-sided reports being churned out by the news media, are nodding their heads in agreement! Such behavior is reminiscent of a husband who alienates his wife after she has grown old and chooses to desert her when she becomes ill.
May I say one more thing? So you claim that Park is inept and unfit for the presidency? What is the constitutionally-mandated role of a president? Isn't the president responsible for overseeing our nation's defense, diplomacy and economic affairs? Then did our economy crumble during the past four years of Park's presidency? Did our national defense system fail? Did our diplomatic policies prove to be disastrous? Park has adeptly led our country over the last four years, which proves her ability to serve as president. We should not judge her ability to lead based on private matters, such as having her hair touched up during the initial hours of the Sewol ferry disaster and her close ties to a woman who has been found to have been less than exemplary in her behavior and to a heretical religious leader who died some 20 years ago. If so, we should choose future presidents after reviewing their friends and other close associates they have known for the past two decades and after verifying whether they had their hair done after their parents or relatives died.
The president is the symbol of our country. We cannot simply throw her out like an old potted plant. That is not what democracy is all about. The people of a law-abiding nation should allow their elected leader to end his or her tenure with honor despite the discovery of personal faults or shortcomings. We need to do this for the sake of our national image. We must not be fooled by politicians who are simply interested in wresting control of government by rushing to oust an elected president a year before her term ends by fooling the public into thinking that their protests are revolutionary. We must be wary of the news media and civic groups that have allied themselves with such politicians. If we end up establishing a precedent of driving out an elected leader a year before her constitutionally guaranteed term ends, the democratic principles we have upheld since 1987 will crumble before our eyes, only to give way to events reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution that took place in China during the 1960s.
Dec. 10, 2016
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2016. 12. 10. ·Î½º¾ÈÁ©·¹½º¿¡¼ ±èÆò¿ì
(Çѱ¹, ¹Ì±¹ º¯È£»ç 45´ë ´ëÇÑ º¯È£»ç ÇùȸÀå, 2012- UCLA ºñÁöÆà ½ºÄ®¶ó)
They, assemblymen, prosecutors, journalists, as well as some laborers,
many of which would be christions, don't trust in God's laws.
Not to speak that, they don't hold their constitutions in esteem.
They are men of lawlessness in a word in both in God's laws and human's.
They are breaking God's laws every week.
How can we expect them to be trustworthy.
They are speaking of love but not showing of it.
Jesus said,
"Because lawlessness is increased, most people's love will grow cold.
No wonder there is no love these days.
What they would decide soon should surely not be our destiny.